In sharp contrast to neighboring India, the Muslim nation of Pakistan has been ruled by its military for over three decades. The Army and Democracy identifies steps for reforming Pakistan's armed forces and reducing its interference in politics, and sees lessons for fragile democracies striving to bring the military under civilian control.
In The Military and Democracy in Asia and the Pacific, a number of prominent regional specialists take a fresh look at the military's changing role in selected countries of Asia and the Pacific, particularly with regard to the countries' performance against criteria of democratic government. Indonesia, Thailand, the Philippines, Burma, Pakistan, Bangladesh, South Korea, Fiji and Papua New Guinea all fall under the spotlight as the authors examine the role which the military has played in bringing about changes of political regime, and in resisting pressures for change.
The Military and Nation Building in the Age of Democracy
Author: Kees Koonings
Publisher: Zed Books
Does the withdrawal of armies from direct rule in most countries herald an end to their role as actors in domestic politics? Has political intervention by the military been superseded? This comparative examination of the politicized armed forces looks at * the consequences of military rule for nation building and economic development * the effects of the passing of the Cold War and the rise of globalization on the political role of the military * the role of political armies in the consolidation of civil politics and democratic governance * the lessons for policy makers in global governance and post-conflict reconstruction The contributors build on successive theories about the role of the military in politics and look to the future. The most threatening scenario may be a proliferation of armed actors and the rise of privatized forces of law and order.
This book explores the development of the military as an organization and looks at the patterns of civil–military relations that have emerged in modern Nepal, especially after the rise of King Prithvi Narayan Shah, who founded the unified state of Nepal. It combines astute analyses with up-to-date data to present a comprehensive account of the relations between monarchy, military and civil government and their impact on the democratization process in the country. The author underlines the pressing need for establishing civilian supremacy over the military, through developing and strengthening civilian supervisory mechanisms. The book will be an important resource to researchers, scholars, students of politics, military studies, peace and conflict studies, and history, particularly those concerned with Nepal. It will also interest policy-makers, security experts and military personnel.
The military is one of the few institutions that cut across the divides of Indonesian society. As it continues to play a critical part in determining Indonesia's future, the military itself is undergoing profound change. The authors of this book examine the role of the military in politics and society since the fall of President Suharto in 1998. They present several strategic scenarios for Indonesia, which have important implications for U.S.-Indonesian relations, and propose goals for Indonesian military reform and elements of a U.S. engagement policy.
Military Politics and Democracy in the Andes challenges conventional theories regarding military behavior in post-transition democracies. Through a deeply researched comparative analysis of the Ecuadorian and Peruvian armies, Maiah Jaskoski argues that militaries are concerned more with the predictability of their missions than with sovereignty objectives set by democratically elected leaders. Jaskoski gathers data from interviews with public officials, private sector representatives, journalists, and more than 160 Peruvian and Ecuadorian officers from all branches of the military. The results are surprising. Ecuador’s army, for example, fearing the uncertainty of border defense against insurgent encroachment in the north, neglected this duty, thereby sacrificing the state’s security goals, acting against government orders, and challenging democratic consolidation. Instead of defending the border, the army has opted to carry out policing functions within Ecuador, such as combating the drug trade. Additionally, by ignoring its duty to defend sovereignty, the army is available to contract out its policing services to paying, private companies that, relative to the public, benefit disproportionately from army security. Jaskoski also looks briefly at this theory's implications for military responsiveness to government orders in democratic Bolivia, Colombia, and Venezuela, and in newly formed democracies more broadly. -- J. Samuel Fitch, University of Colorado at Boulder
In 1960s Turkey, the armed forces and the radical leftist movement provided two very dynamic, but very different, political forces. Yet, somewhat surprisingly, the majority of radical leftists in this period believed in the revolutionary potential of the armed forces in overthrowing the existing regime and replacing it with a quasi-socialist one. Covering the time between the two successful military interventions of 1960 and 1971, The Army and the Radical Left in Turkey considers the changing perspectives of the radical leftist movement towards the political role of the military in Turkey in this period. The democratic reforms which followed the 1960 coup allowed leftist groups to operate legally for the first time, and as a result, Marxist or quasi-Marxist groups expanded and diversified enormously in the years that followed. But one of the significant problems faced by the leftist movement in the 1960s was factionalisation and the issue of why the left could not maintain unity in Turkey during this period. Ulus argues here that differing and opposing attitudes towards the armed forces within the leftist movement was one of the key causes of factionalisation – and that these differences became even more noticeable towards the end of the 1960s. Examining the development of the leftist movement, its understanding of Kemalism, as well as the discourses and actions of the different leftist groups, including the Communist Party of Turkey and the Workers’ Party of Turkey, Ulus analyses the political thought and organisational structures of these groups. She thereby shows why some leftists chose to encourage a military revolution, which they hoped would bring about the triumph of socialism in Turkey, but instead led to their downfall. As the 1960s ended with the radical left in disarray, this book will be invaluable for researches of the parties of the left across the Middle East, as well as scholars of modern Turkish history and politics.
"A comprehensive description of the Indonesian Army's history of political involvement. Crouch's incredible knowledge of so many facets of intrigue and manipulation, of names, dates, enemies and friends, and specific circumstances under which each attempted coup and counter effort was made if phenomenal. His attention to the supporting literature and his own personal experiences in-country certainly would indicate that Mr. Crouch is a - if not the - leading expert in this complex and bewildering subject.Highly recommended." - Perspective: Reviews of New Books in Political Science "The author has produced the most thorough and balanced account of contemporary Indonesian politics yet to appear in print." - Canadian Journal of Political Science "A valuable contribution to our knowledge of modern Indonesia." - Journal of Southeast Asian Studies In this highly-respected work, Harold Crouch analyzes the role of the Indonesian Army in that country's politics, putting special emphasis on the Sukarno years, the gradual takeover of power by the military, and the nature of Suharto's New Order government. The Army and Politics in Indonesia is now updated with a new preface and epilogue that expands the book's coverage to the 1980s. HAROLD CROUCH is a Senior Fellow in the Department of Political and Social Change, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian National University where his research is concerned with Southeast Asian politics. He taught political science at the University of Indonesia in Jakarta from 1968 to 1971 and in the Department of Political Science at the National University of Malaysia from 1976 to 1990.