When the U.S. military began its "surge" in Iraq in 2006, counterinsurgency effectively became its dominant approach for fighting wars. Yet many of the major controversies and debates surrounding counterinsurgency operations have turned not on military questions but on legal ones: Who can the U.S. military attack with drones? Is the occupation of Iraq legitimate? What tradeoffs should the military make between self-protection and civilian casualties? What is the right framework for negotiating with the Taliban? How can we build the rule of law in Afghanistan? The Counterinsurgent's Constitution tackles this wide range of legal issues from the vantage point of counterinsurgency strategy. It explains why law matters in counterinsurgency, how law operates during counterinsurgency, and how law and counterinsurgency strategy can be better integrated. As Ganesh Sitaraman shows, far from being opposed, law and strategy are aligned and reinforcing. Following the laws of war is not just the right thing to do, it is strategically beneficial. Reconciliation with enemies can both end the conflict and preserve the possibility of justice for war crimes. Building the rule of law is not simply altruistic "nation-building," but an important strategy for success. The first book on law and counterinsurgency strategy, The Counterinsurgent's Constitution seamlessly integrates law and military strategy to illuminate some of the most pressing issues in warfare and the transition from war to peace.
In this original, provocative contribution to the debate over economic inequality, Ganesh Sitaraman argues that a strong and sizable middle class is a prerequisite for America’s constitutional system. A New York Times Notable Book of 2017 For most of Western history, Sitaraman argues, constitutional thinkers assumed economic inequality was inevitable and inescapable—and they designed governments to prevent class divisions from spilling over into class warfare. The American Constitution is different. Compared to Europe and the ancient world, America was a society of almost unprecedented economic equality, and the founding generation saw this equality as essential for the preservation of America’s republic. Over the next two centuries, generations of Americans fought to sustain the economic preconditions for our constitutional system. But today, with economic and political inequality on the rise, Sitaraman says Americans face a choice: Will we accept rising economic inequality and risk oligarchy or will we rebuild the middle class and reclaim our republic? The Crisis of the Middle-Class Constitution is a tour de force of history, philosophy, law, and politics. It makes a compelling case that inequality is more than just a moral or economic problem; it threatens the very core of our constitutional system.
In most societies, courts are where the rubber of government meets the road of the people. If a state cannot settle disputes and ensure that its decisions are carried out, for practical purposes it is no longer in charge. This is why successful rebels put courts and justice at the top of their agendas. Rebel Law examines this key weapon in the armory of insurgent groups, ranging from the Ireland of the 1920s, where the IRA sapped British power using 'Republican Tribunals' to today's 'Caliphate of Law' - the Islamic State, by way of Algeria in the 1950s and the Afghan Taliban. Frank Ledwidge tells how insurgent courts bleed legitimacy from government, decide cases and enforce judgments on the battlefield itself. Astute counterinsurgents, especially in "ungoverned space," can ensure that they retain the initiative. The book describes French, Turkish and British colonial "judicial strategy" and contrasts their experience with the chaos of more recent "stabilization operations" in Iraq and Afghanistan, drawing lessons for contemporary counterinsurgents. Rebel Law builds on his insights and shows that the courts themselves can be used as weapons for both sides in highly unconventional warfare.
On the surface, "wartime" is a period of time in which a society is at war. But we now live in what President Obama has called "an age without surrender ceremonies," where it is no longer easy to distinguish between times of war and times of peace. In this inventive meditation on war, time, and the law, Mary Dudziak argues that wartime is not as discrete a time period as we like to think. Instead, America has been engaged in some form of ongoing overseas armed conflict for over a century. Meanwhile policy makers and the American public continue to view wars as exceptional events that eventually give way to normal peace times. This has two consequences: first, because war is thought to be exceptional, "wartime" remains a shorthand argument justifying extreme actions like torture and detention without trial; and second, ongoing warfare is enabled by the inattention of the American people. More disconnected than ever from the wars their nation is fighting, public disengagement leaves us without political restraints on the exercise of American war powers.
Following the success of his recent book on Navy SEALs in Iraq, The Sheriff of Ramadi, bestselling author and combat veteran Dick Couch now examines the importance of battlefield ethics in effectively combating terrorists without losing the battle for the hearts of the local population. A former SEAL who led one of the only successful POW rescue operations in Vietnam, Couch warns that the mistakes made in Vietnam forty years ago are being repeated in Iraq and Afghanistan, and that the stakes are even higher now. His book takes a critical look at the battlefield conduct of U.S. ground-combat units fighting insurgents in Iraq and Afghanistan. Since the prize of the fight on the modern battlefield is the people, he warns every death has a consequence. Every killing has both strategic and moral significance for U.S. warriors. From his unique and qualified perspective, Couch examines the sources and issues that can lead to wrong conduct on the battlefield, and explains how it comes about and what can be done to correct it. He considers the roles of command intent and the official rules of engagement, but his primary focus is on ethical conduct at the squad and platoon level. Tactical ethics, according to the author s definition, is the moral and ethical armor that should accompany every American warrior into battle, and these standards apply to the engaged unit as well as to the individual. A harsh critic of immoral combat tactics, Couch offers realistic measures to correct these potentially devastating errors. He argues that as a nation, we must do all we can to protect our soldiers humanity, for their sake, so they can return from service with honor, and for our sake as a people and for our standing in the world.
In vielen westlichen Ländern sind rechte, nationalistische Bewegungen auf dem Vormarsch. Wie ist es dazu gekommen? Arlie Russell Hochschild reiste ins Herz der amerikanischen Rechten, nach Louisiana, und suchte fünf Jahre lang das Gespräch mit ihren Landsleuten. Sie traf auf frustrierte Menschen, deren "Amerikanischer Traum" geplatzt ist; Menschen, die sich abgehängt fühlen, den Staat hassen und sich der rechtspopulistischen Tea-Party-Bewegung angeschlossen haben. Hochschild zeigt eine beunruhigende Entwicklung auf, die auch in Europa längst begonnen hat. Hochschilds Reportage ist nicht nur eine erhellende Deutung einer gespaltenen Gesellschaft, sondern auch ein bewegendes Stück Literatur. "Jeder, der das moderne Amerika verstehen möchte, sollte dieses faszinierende Buch lesen." Robert Reich "Ein kluges, respektvolles und fesselndes Buch." New York Times Book Review "Eine anrührende, warmherzige und souverän geschriebene, ungemein gut lesbare teilnehmende Beobachtung. ... Wer ihr Buch liest, versteht die Wähler Trumps, weil sie auf Augenhöhe mit ihnen und nicht über sie spricht." FAZ
Recent events throughout Latin America have placed issues of democracy on centerstage. Collected here for the first time are articles that evaluate different models of democracy, challenging the realities and myths of the practice of democracy in various countries throughout the region. This is a provocative and revealing study of the critical issues in the struggle for democracy and current events in the Third World and the United States. Through the writings of leading Latin American and U.S. scholars, including James Petras, Pablo Gonzalez Casanova, and Max Azicri, the book addresses such important topics as whether Washington's "model democracies" are truly democratic, and how Guatemala's civilian regime compares to Nicaragua's revolutionary democracy. By covering countries as diverse as Cuba, Argentina, and Guatemala, the collection adds to an understanding of different models of democracy and challenges traditional methodologies used to evaluate them. Several essays put the issue of democratization in the context of economic crisis, resulting in political redefinitions, and the emergence of the new social movements. The book includes a foreword and introduction by the editors, and concludes with a comprehensive index. It will be a useful resource for courses in political science and Latin American history, and an important addition to college, university, and public libraries.
Kaum jemand hatte von der Firma Blackwater gehört, als am 16. September 2007 im Irak 17 Zivilisten erschossen wurden – von einem Söldnertrupp. Schnell stellte sich heraus, dass sie zu einer Art Privatarmee gehörten, die im Irak und anderswo für die USA Krieg führt, unbemerkt von der Öffentlichkeit und immun gegen Strafverfolgung. Blackwater: die mächtigste militärische Dienstleistungsfirma der Welt. Ihr Gründer Erik Prince, Multimillionär und christlicher Fundamentalist, hat beste Kontakte zur Regierung. Und erkennt nach dem 11. September 2001, wie viel Geld sich mit dem »Outsourcing« militärischer Leistungen verdienen lässt: Bushs »Krieg gegen den Terror« ist die Steilvorlage für den kometenhaften Aufstieg der Firma. Blackwaters Elitesoldaten schützen US-Politiker und Geschäftsleute im Irak – gegen ein Gehalt, von dem GIs nur träumen können. Blackwater kann bei Bedarf Truppen und eine Flugzeugflotte zur Verfügung stellen, groß genug, Regierungen zu stürzen. Blackwaters Söldner bewachen Öl-Pipelines, seine »Sicherheitskräfte« patrouillierten nach Katrina in den Straßen von New Orleans. Doch erst jetzt fällt dem US-Kongress auf, dass die martialischen Rambos keinerlei parlamentarischer Kontrolle, keiner Gerichtsbarkeit unterliegen. Mit seiner glänzend recherchierten Geschichte der Firma Blackwater zeigt Jeremy Scahill überzeugend auf, welche Gefahren der Demokratie drohen, wenn die Regierung ihr Gewaltmonopol privatisiert.
Colonel Robin Evelegh retired from the British Army in 1977, having commanded his infantry battalion on separate tours at the Springfield Road police station in Belfast in 1972 and 1973. it struck him forcibly at the time that the Government's overall campaign to restore a peacetime level of order in Northern Ireland seemed doomed to failure, although most of the conditions that could be thought necessary for success- skilled and sensitive politicians, devoted civil servants and a disciplined army and police force- were present. This failure, it became clear, arose from faults in the constitutional framework for controlling the campaign against insurrection, and from shortcomings in the laws which laid down the operational rules for the Security forces to suppress terrorism and disorder. The constitutional faults meant that the government's campaign could not be managed effectively, and the shortcomings in the laws meant that a heavy political price had to be paid for draconian legal powers that were almost irrelevant, while the security forces were crippled by the lack of quite minor laws which would have made them effective, and which carried only a modest political penalty. The reasons for these uncertainties and inadequacies are complex. Colonel Evelegh analyses them ruthlessly, and makes their consequences clear - powerfully illustrating his thesis from personal experience in Northern Ireland, from the past, and from counter-insurgency campaigns of recent times. His remedies are argued in detail.
Theodore Roosevelt and World Order presents a new understanding of TR's political philosophy while shedding light on some of today's most vexing foreign policy dilemmas. Most know that Roosevelt served as New York police commissioner during the 1890s, warring on crime while sponsoring reforms that reflected his good-government convictions. Later Roosevelt became an accomplished diplomat. Yet it has escaped attention that TR's perspectives on domestic and foreign affairs fused under the legal concept of "police power." This gap in our understanding of Roosevelt's career deserves to be filled. Why? TR is strikingly relevant to our own age. His era shares many features with that of the twenty-first century, notably growing economic interdependence, failed states unable or unwilling to discharge their sovereign responsibilities, and terrorism from an international anarchist movement that felled Roosevelt's predecessor, William McKinley. Roosevelt exercised his concept of police power to manage the newly acquired Philippines and Cuba, to promote Panama's independence from Colombia, and to defuse international crises in Venezuela and Morocco. Since the end of the Cold War, and especially in the post-9/11 era, American statesmen and academics have been grappling with the problem of how to buoy up world order. While not all of Roosevelt's philosophy is applicable to today's world, this book provides useful historical examples of international intervention and a powerful analytical tool for understanding how a great power should respond to world events.