This book offers a detailed political history of Rhodes from the foundation of the Rhodian republic in the fifth century B.C. to the conclusions of Rhodes' alliance with Rome in the second, a period in which Rhodes was a major Mediterranean power. Richard M. Berthold provides a complete account of Rhodian foreign affairs, exploring the principles and reasons behind Rhodes' foreign policy decisions. He traces Rhodes' history through the stormy years of the fourth century to the independence and prosperity of the third, arguing that Rhodes achieved economic and political success by pursuing a course of studied neutrality. Berthold maintains that Rhodes did not willfully abandon its neutral stance during the second century, but rather was forced by events to support Rome, a posture that ultimately led to Rhodes' loss of independence.
Cecil Rhodes is the most written about and memorialised figure in southern African history, the subject of well over 25 biographies and numerous articles. Rhodes has featured in novels, plays and films.
Although Apollonius of Rhodes' extraordinary epic poem on the Argonauts' quest for the Golden Fleece has begun to get the attention it deserves, it still is not well known to many readers and scholars. This book explores the poem's relation to the conditions of its writing in third century BCE Alexandria, where a multicultural environment transformed the Greeks' understanding of themselves and the world. Apollonius uses the resources of the imagination - the myth of the Argonauts' voyage and their encounters with other peoples - to probe the expanded possibilities and the anxieties opened up when definitions of Hellenism and boundaries between Greeks and others were exposed to question. Central to this concern with definitions is the poem's representation of space. Thalmann uses spatial theories from cultural geography and anthropology to argue that the Argo's itinerary defines space from a Greek perspective that is at the same time qualified. Its limits are exposed, and the signs with which the Argonauts mark space by their passage preserve the stories of their complex interactions with non-Greeks. The book closely considers many episodes in the narrative with regard to the Argonauts' redefinition of space and the implications of their actions for the Greeks' situation in Egypt, and it ends by considering Alexandria itself as a space that accommodated both Greek and Egyptian cultures.
The Imperial Colossus and the Colonial Parish Pump
Author: Michael Tamarkin,Mordechai Tamarkin,Mottie Tamarkin
Publisher: Psychology Press
This is an account of a fascinating alliance between two seemingly incompatible political partners. On the one side Cecil Rhodes, perhaps the greatest British imperialist of his time - on the other side the Cape Afrikaners, part of the ethnic community which was engaged in a major war with that very empire at the close of the nineteenth century. Rhodes skilfully courted the Cape Afrikaners, despite his ardent imperialism and their autonomous colonial intent. While the impact of British imperialism and capitalism set in motion a process of ethnic and political consciousness, it also engendered a desire to be associated with the British. Such was Rhodes's charm that to some Cape Afrikaners he became a political hero, even an idol. But all this came to an abrupt and dramatic end with the filibustering expedition of Rhodes's lieutenant Jameson into the Transvaal at the end of 1895. This act of aggression stood in total contradiction to an important element of the political outlook of Cape Afrikaners and, while unwavering in their loyalty to the British Empire, they began to show solidarity with their republican brethren. Tamarkin successfully shows that the disengagement of the Cape Afrikaners from Rhodes was neither immediate nor inevitable. It was a painful and long process which was driven not just by the Jameson Raid but by Rhodes's increasingly provocative conduct. This extraordinary relationship only finally finished in 1898 during the election campaign, in which Rhodes and the Afrikaner Bond fought tooth and nail for control of the Cape Colony.
This volume deals with the conquest and colonization of Zimbabwe and the establishment of Southern Rhodesia, from the beginnings of British involvement in Bechuanaland to the death of Cecil Rhodes. Its emphasis is on the white invaders and its chief concern is white individuals, their motives, actions, and influence on events.
Polish-born Princess Radziwill stalked the English-born South African politician Cecil Rhodes and asked him to marry her, but he refused. She then got revenge by forging his name on a promissory note. She was convicted of forging Rhodes' signature and spent time in a South African jail.--en.wikipedia.org.
This dictionary is written for three audiences: first, native speakers of Ojibwa, Chippewa, and Ottawa who would like to have a consistent way to write their language, especially those who are engaged in teaching their language to others; second, students of the Ojibwa, Chippewa, and Ottawa language who need a reference work they can turn to; and finally, the scholarly world in general, particularly Algonquianists and linguists.
A biography of Africa's conqueror takes the reader into the life of Cecil Rhodes, an English patriot and racist who, by the age of thirty-four, had added a million square miles to Britain's empire and who set the stage for apartheid. 20,000 first printing.
Eugene Manlove Rhodes's masterpiece, "Pas¢ Por Aqu", opens this collection of his short novels and stories, set in New Mexico, where he lived during the 1880s and 1890s. J. Frank Dobie praised Rhodes's artistry, and Bernard DeVoto thought he wrote "much the best dialogue . . . Of western characters since Mark Twain." Included are the novelettes "Good Men and True," "Bransford of Rainbow Range," and "The Trusty Knaves."
This book explores how the governmental elites in Australia, Britain, Canada, New Zealand, and South Africa understand their Westminster system. It examines in detail four interrelated features of Westminster systems. Firstly, the increasing centralisation in collective, responsible cabinet government. Second, the constitutional convention of ministerial and collective responsibility. Third, the role of a professional, non-partisan public service. And finally, parliament's relationship to the executive. The authors explain the changes that have occured in the Westminster model by analysing four traditions: royal prerogative, responsible government, constitutional bureaucracy, and representative government. They suggest that each tradition has a recurring dilemma, between centralisation and decentralisation, party government and ministerial responsibility, professionalisation and politicisation, and finally elitism and participation. They go on to argue that these dilemmas recur in four present-day debates: the growth of prime ministerial power, the decline in individual and collective ministerial accountability, politicisation of the public service, and executive dominance of the legislature. They conclude by identifying five meanings of - or narratives about - Westminster. Firstly, 'Westminster as heritage' - elite actors' shared governmental narrative understood as both precedents and nostalgia. Second, 'Westminster as political tool' - the expedient cloak worn by governments and politicians to defend themselves and criticise opponents. Third, 'Westminster as legitimising tradition' - providing legitimacy and a context for elite actions, serving as a point of reference to navigate this uncertain world. Fourth, 'Westminster as institutional category' - it remains a useful descriptor of a loose family of governments with shared origins and characteristics. Finally, 'Westminster as an effective political system' - it is a more effective and efficient political system than consensual parliamentary governments. Westminster is a flexible family of ideas that is useful for many purposes and survives, even thrives, because of its meaning in use to élite actors.
Each year thirty-two seniors at American universities are awarded Rhodes Scholarships, which entitle them to spend two or three years studying at the University of Oxford. The program, founded by the British colonialist and entrepreneur Cecil Rhodes and established in 1903, has become the world's most famous academic scholarship and has brought thousands of young Americans to study in England. Many of these later became national leaders in government, law, education, literature, and other fields. Among them were the politicians J. William Fulbright, Bill Bradley, and Bill Clinton; the public policy analysts Robert Reich and George Stephanopoulos; the writer Robert Penn Warren; the entertainer Kris Kristofferson; and the Supreme Court Justices Byron White and David Souter. Based on extensive research in published and unpublished documents and on hundreds of interviews, this book traces the history of the program and the stories of many individuals. In addition it addresses a host of questions such as: how important was the Oxford experience for the individual scholars? To what extent has the program created an old-boy (-girl since 1976) network that propels its members to success? How many Rhodes Scholars have cracked under the strain and failed to live up to expectations? How have the Americans coped with life in Oxford and what have they thought of Britain in general? Beyond the history of the program and the individuals involved, this book also offers a valuable examination of the American-British cultural encounter.