Author: Richard L. Millett,Jennifer S. Holmes,Orlando J. Pérez
Category: Political Science
More than thirty years have passed since Latin America began the arduous task of transitioning from military-led rule to democracy. In this time, more countries have moved toward the institutional bases of democracy than at any time in the region’s history. Nearly all countries have held free, competitive elections and most have had peaceful alternations in power between opposing political forces. Despite these advances, however, Latin American countries continue to face serious domestic and international challenges to the consolidation of stable democratic governance. The challenges range from weak political institutions, corruption, legacies of militarism, transnational crime, and globalization among others. In the second edition of Latin American Democracy contributors – both academics and practitioners, North Americans, Latin Americans, and Spaniards—explore and assess the state of democratic consolidation in Latin America by focusing on the specific issues and challenges confronting democratic governance in the region. This thoroughly updated revision provides new chapters on: the environment, decentralization, the economy, indigenous groups, and the role of China in the region.
Richard Millett,Jennifer S. Holmes,Orlando J. Pérez
Author: Richard Millett,Jennifer S. Holmes,Orlando J. Pérez
More than thirty years have passed since Latin America began the arduous task of transitioning from military-led rule to democracy. In this time, more countries have moved toward the institutional bases of democracy than at any time in the region's history. Nearly all countries have held free, competitive elections and most have had peaceful alternations in power between opposing political forces. Despite these advances, however, Latin American countries continue to face serious domestic and international challenges to the consolidation of stable democratic governance. The challenges range from weak political institutions, corruption, legacies of militarism, transnational crime, and globalization among others. In the second edition of Latin American Democracy contributors - both academics and practitioners, North Americans, Latin Americans, and Spaniards-explore and assess the state of democratic consolidation in Latin America by focusing on the specific issues and challenges confronting democratic governance in the region. This thoroughly updated revision provides new chapters on: the environment, decentralization, the economy, indigenous groups, and the role of China in the region.
This book critically assesses the human security challenges faced by states, focusing on how and to what extent the state is influenced by global structures and operations. Having grown rapidly since the 1990s, the field of human security has spawned a wide variety of academic research. This research has helped to reconceptualize the notion of security, both broadening and deepening it, and it has created a space where unconventional and multidimensional forms of security inform international policy practices. However, while various issues and cases of human security have received growing academic attention and policy interest, many of the existing books on human security focus primarily on non-state actors. This leaves a key question unanswered: why do sovereign states take on leadership roles in promoting human security? To answer the question of why and how national governments influence international human security policy, this volume examines the domestic political factors and structures that mediate the range of policy choices. Important domestic variables include the ‘cultural match’ (e.g., ‘Does the country often favor multilateralism and promote a rule-bound international society?’), the nature of the political interests and realities that are present (e.g., ‘Does the country see the promotion of human security as a strategic choice?’), and the occurrence of important historical events such as wars, revolutions, or natural disasters (e.g., ‘Does the country, during the crisis, help to foster a new way of managing enduring security threats?’). Using this line of analysis, the book illuminates the role of the state in handling critical human security issues and its rationale for doing so. This book will be of much interest to students of human security, peace studies, global governance, development studies and IR in general.
Written by a diverse group of scholars and practitioners from Latin America, the US and Europe and taking into consideration the recent global financial crisis,the book offers a multifaceted insight into the expectations as well as the possible threats related to Latin America's incorporation into the sphere of global interconnectedness.
Diane Alméras,United Nations. Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean. Women and Development Unit
For four decades, Venezuela prided itself for having one of the most stable representative democracies in Latin America. Then, in 1992, Hugo Chávez Frías attempted an unsuccessful military coup. Six years later, he was elected president. Once in power, Chávez redrafted the 1961 constitution, dissolved the Congress, dismissed judges, and marginalized rival political parties. In a bid to create direct democracy, other Latin American democracies watched with mixed reactions: if representative democracy could break down so quickly in Venezuela, it could easily happen in countries with less-established traditions. On the other hand, would Chávez create a new form of democracy to redress the plight of the marginalized poor? In this volume of essays, leading scholars from Venezuela and the United States ask why representative democracy in Venezuela unraveled so swiftly and whether it can be restored. Its thirteen chapters examine the crisis in three periods: the unraveling of Punto Fijo democracy; Chávez's Bolivarian Revolution; and the course of "participatory democracy" under Chávez. The contributors analyze such factors as the vulnerability of Venezuelan democracy before Chávez; the role of political parties, organized labor, the urban poor, the military, and businessmen; and the impact of public and economic policy. This timely volume offers important lessons for comparative regime change within hybrid democracies. Contributors: Damarys Canache, Florida State University; Rafael de la Cruz, Inter-American Development Bank; José Antonio Gil, Yepes Datanalisis; Richard S. Hillman, St. John Fisher College; Janet Kelly, Graduate Institute of Business, Caracas; José E. Molina, University of Zulia; Mosés Naím, Foreign Policy; Nelson Ortiz, Caracas Stock Exchange; Pedro A. Palma, Graduate Institute of Business, Caracas; Carlos A. Romero and Luis Salamanca, Central University of Venezuela; Harold Trinkunas, Naval Postgraduate School.
For thirty years Latin American Politics and Development has kept instructors and students abreast of current affairs in Latin America. Now in its seventh edition, this definitive text has been updated throughout and features contributions from experts in the field, including three entirely new chapters on Bolivia, Ecuador, and Mexico. Other new material addresses the economic crisis in Argentina; Brazil's continued economic and political progress; Chile's successful—if still tentative—combination of democracy, economic growth, and social equity; the continued challenge to Colombia's political system posed by guerillas, drug traffickers, and paramilitaries; Venezuela's continued flight from liberal democracy under Hugo Chavez; and Mexico's ongoing “civil war” as criminal organizations fight each other and the Mexican state to run drug trafficking and other criminal operations. In addition to detailed country-by-country chapters, Latin American Politics and Development provides a comprehensive regional overview. Five foundational chapters by the editors cover the context of Latin American politics, the pattern of historical development, interest groups and political parties, government machinery, the role of the state and public policy, and the struggle for democracy.
This text explores why and how democracy broke down in Peru in 1992. The author's argument is that institutional factors - especially the absence of a legislative majority - were crucial to the collapse of democracy in Peru during and before this period and throughout Latin America since the 1960s.
Krone der Schöpfung? Vor 100 000 Jahren war der Homo sapiens noch ein unbedeutendes Tier, das unauffällig in einem abgelegenen Winkel des afrikanischen Kontinents lebte. Unsere Vorfahren teilten sich den Planeten mit mindestens fünf weiteren menschlichen Spezies, und die Rolle, die sie im Ökosystem spielten, war nicht größer als die von Gorillas, Libellen oder Quallen. Vor 70 000 Jahren dann vollzog sich ein mysteriöser und rascher Wandel mit dem Homo sapiens, und es war vor allem die Beschaffenheit seines Gehirns, die ihn zum Herren des Planeten und zum Schrecken des Ökosystems werden ließ. Bis heute hat sich diese Vorherrschaft stetig zugespitzt: Der Mensch hat die Fähigkeit zu schöpferischem und zu zerstörerischem Handeln wie kein anderes Lebewesen. Anschaulich, unterhaltsam und stellenweise hochkomisch zeichnet Yuval Harari die Geschichte des Menschen nach und zeigt alle großen, aber auch alle ambivalenten Momente unserer Menschwerdung.
The essays in this book analyze and explain the crisis of democratic representation in five Andean countries: Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Venezuela. In this region, disaffection with democracy, political parties, and legislatures has spread to an alarming degree. Many presidents have been forced from office, and many traditional parties have fallen by the wayside. These five countries have the potential to be negative examples in a region that has historically had strong demonstration and diffusion effects in terms of regime changes. "The Crisis of Democratic Representation in the Andes" addresses an important question for Latin America as well as other parts of the world: Why does representation sometimes fail to work?
The Challenge of Third World Development examines political, economic, and social change in countries in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East. Exploring common issues and problems in these regions, this text helps students grasp the structural dynamics and human stories behind democratization, economic growth, poverty, global warming, ethnic conflict, women's changing roles, and more. Accessibly written for students of political science, sociology, or anthropology, The Challenge of Third World Development immerses readers in developing countries' ongoing dilemmas, their global implications, and individual, national, and international responses.
Mit großer Spannung wurde sie erwartet, auch von Nicht-Katholiken: Die Umwelt-Enzyklika von Papst Franziskus nimmt die heute entscheidenden Themen in den Blick; es geht um die geht um soziale, ökologische und politische Zusammenhänge. Wohl selten war ein päpstliches Schreiben so aktuell und brisant und vor allem relevant für alle Gesellschaftsschichten und Menschen weltweit. Mit "Laudato si" beweist Franziskus, dass die Kirche nach wie vor eine unverzichtbare Stimme im Diskurs zur Gestaltung der modernen Welt ist. Wer verstehen will, wie Papst und Kirche die großen Herausforderungen unserer Zeit bestehen wollen, kommt an diesem Werk nicht vorbei. Ein Muss für jeden, der an den drängenden Fragen unserer Zeit interessiert ist.
Drei Dinge wissen wir: Der Kapitalismus hat den Feudalismus abgelöst; seither durchlief er zyklische Tiefs, spätestens seit 2008 stottert der Motor. Was wir nicht wissen: Erleben wir eine der üblichen Krisen oder den Anbruch einer postkapitalistischen Ordnung? Paul Mason blickt auf die Daten, sichtet Krisentheorien – und sagt: Wir stehen am Anfang von etwas Neuem. Er nimmt dabei Überlegungen auf, die vor über 150 Jahren in einer Londoner Bibliothek entwickelt wurden und laut denen Wissen und intelligente Maschinen den Kapitalismus eines Tages »in die Luft sprengen« könnten. Im Zeitalter des Stahls und der Schrauben, der Hierarchien und der Knappheit war diese Vision so radikal, dass Marx sie schnell in der Schublade verschwinden ließ. In der Welt der Netzwerke, der Kooperation und des digitalen Überflusses ist sie aktueller denn je. In seinem atemberaubenden Buch führt Paul Mason durch Schreibstuben, Gefängniszellen, Flugzeugfabriken und an die Orte, an denen sich der Widerstand Bahn bricht. Mason verknüpft das Abstrakte mit dem Konkreten, bündelt die Überlegungen von Autoren wie Thomas Piketty, David Graeber, Jeremy Rifkin und Antonio Negri und zeigt, wie wir aus den Trümmern des Neoliberalismus eine gerechtere und nachhaltigere Gesellschaft errichten können.
Richard D. Anderson Jr.,M. Steven Fish,Stephen E. Hanson,Philip G. Roeder
Author: Richard D. Anderson Jr.,M. Steven Fish,Stephen E. Hanson,Philip G. Roeder
Publisher: Princeton University Press
Category: Political Science
Why did the wave of democracy that swept the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe starting more than a decade ago develop in ways unexpected by observers who relied on existing theories of democracy? In Postcommunism and the Theory of Democracy, four distinguished scholars conduct the first major assessment of democratization theory in light of the experience of postcommunist states. Richard Anderson, Steven Fish, Stephen Hanson, and Philip Roeder not only apply theory to practice, but using a wealth of empirical evidence, draw together the elements of existing theory into new syntheses. The authors each highlight a development in postcommunist societies that reveals an anomaly or lacuna in existing theory. They explain why authoritarian leaders abandon authoritarianism, why democratization sometimes reverses course, how subjects become citizens by beginning to take sides in politics, how rulers become politicians by beginning to seek popular support, and not least, how democracy becomes consolidated. Rather than converging on a single approach, each author shows how either a rationalist, institutionalist, discursive, or Weberian approach sheds light on this transformation. They conclude that the experience of postcommunist democracy demands a rethinking of existing theory. To that end, they offer rich new insights to scholars, advanced students, policymakers, and anyone interested in postcommunist states or in comparative democratization.
Fernando Henrique Cardoso received a phone call in the middle of the night asking him to be the new Finance Minister of Brazil. As he put the phone down and stared into the darkness of his hotel room, he feared he'd been handed a political death sentence. The year was 1993, and he would be responsible for an economy that had had seven different currencies in the previous eight years to cope with inflation that had run at 3000 percent a year. Brazil had a habit of chewing up finance ministers with the ferocity of an Amazon piranha. This was just one of the turns in a largely unscripted and sometimes unwanted political career. In exile during the harshest period of the junta that ruled Brazil for twenty years, Cardoso started his political life with a tentative run for the Federal Senate in 1978. Within fifteen years, and despite himself, this former sociologist was running the country. And what a country! Brazil, it is often said, is on the edge of modernity, striding with one foot in mid-air towards the future, the other still rooted deep in a traditional past. It is a land of sophisticated music and brutal gold-digging, of the next global superpower and the last old-time coffee plantations. It is gloriously ungovernable, irrepressibly attractive, and home to the family, friends and extraordinary life of Fernando Henrique Cardoso. This is his story and his love song to his country.
Die größte Herausforderung unserer Zeit Ob selbstfahrende Autos, 3-D-Drucker oder Künstliche Intelligenz: Aktuelle technische Entwicklungen werden unsere Art zu leben und zu arbeiten grundlegend verändern. Die Vierte Industrielle Revolution hat bereits begonnen. Ihr Merkmal ist die ungeheuer schnelle und systematische Verschmelzung von Technologien, die die Grenzen zwischen der physischen, der digitalen und der biologischen Welt immer stärker durchbrechen. Wie kein anderer ist Klaus Schwab, der Vorsitzende des Weltwirtschaftsforums, in der Lage aufzuzeigen, welche politischen, wirtschaftlichen, sozialen und kulturellen Herausforderungen diese Revolution für uns alle mit sich bringt.